Sukarno and Cabral
Both
Sukarno and Cabral seem to believe that the nominal independence is not the
final end. Liberation is a continuous struggle. Sukarno, on an international
forum, celebrates the fact that many of the formerly colonised nations have
achieved independence. Although it might seem as if this official independence
is the great event for Sukarno, he has foresight enough to say that the task is
not done. Although independence may have been achieved, and it is a great
event, it is not complete. This independence is threatened by the new faces of
imperialism: “economic control, intellectual control, actual physical control
by a small but alien community within a nation”. Another threat remains, and it
is the threat of war, “great chasms [which] yawn between nations and groups of
nations”. Cabral agrees that the work is not complete. He too identifies that
nominal independence is not enough, and sees the pitfalls which liberation
struggle may be prone to. He analyses how the imperialists create divisions
within the oppressed, and how this imperial logic might still remain even when
the original dominator has departed. The leaders of the liberation movement are
liable to fall prey to the imperial logic and the liberation struggle may be
hijacked. They might be “culturally alienated” from the great majority of
people. In his analysis Cabral seems to have a more nuanced understanding of
liberation struggle and the particular challenges it might face, for he sees
the internal divisions which might jeopardise the struggle more nefariously
than external factors. Even though Sukarno too identifies the problem, his
treatment is cursory, perhaps because he is addressing an international
gathering and the considerations of international unity are more important to
him than those of an intra-national unity.
Their
views regarding the course of action to be pursued also align. Both aim at
unity and believe that unity will lead to attainment of the liberation only a
glimpse of which has been seen so far. Both have a vision of the development
and unity on the grandest possible scale. However, they diverge about the
nature of this unity. For Sukarno, this unity is international in nature. It is
the coming together of all the formerly colonised to be a collective front
against imperialism. Even though all these nations are different, for Sukarno,
this is not a problem. “Unity in Diversity” is his cry. He believes, somewhat
romantically that all these countries would be governed by tolerance and that
distances can be overcome. Cabral on the other hand has a more nuanced
understanding of difference. He demonstrates how within a liberation struggle
difference among the occupied may be a difference of attitudes towards colonial
logic. Liberation requires both “vigilance” against and dismantling of this
cultural alienation. The liberation struggle must, for Cabral, bring about “a
convergence of the levels of culture of the various social categories which can
be deployed for the struggle, and to transform them into a single national
cultural force which acts as the basis and the foundation of the armed struggle”;
or, internal unity must first be reached. Sukarno, on the other hand, seems
almost oblivious to or unwilling to talk about the nature of differences within
the Third World countries, and how relations of dependence upon the former imperial
master might still influence how they act; that is to say, the differences may not be so surmountable after all. Also, various dictatorships in newly
liberated countries point to the fact that the logic of imperialism, something Cabral
is sensitive to, still reigns true. The elite fostered by the imperialists has replaced them whereas the imperial institutions remain unchanged. What unity will there be in diversity, if
this diversity is still polluted by imperialist logic?
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