'Strength' of Black Women
In one of our initial classes, we dissected the layers of oppression
experienced by black women. They have to undergo not just oppression by the white
men and women, but also the Black men. This struggle, particularly in the
political arena, were explored by Bell Hooks.
In a political atmosphere where the white women are separating
themselves from the racial question, and the black men are separating themselves
from the sexist question, who would a black woman align herself with? Hooks
does a commendable job of explaining how such an atmosphere affects the black
woman’s identity. Although the Civil Right’s Movement was questioning the
racial inequalities in society, patriarchy was so entrenched, not just in the
minds of the black men, but also in the minds of the black women, that even identifying
as a woman (a part of a gendered group that is undergoing oppression) was a
rarity. More than anything, this makes me appreciate how far women of color
have come, in terms of identifying themselves as such.
The argument put forward by Hooks that most intrigued me,
though, was regarding the ‘strength’ of women.
“Usually,
when people talk about the strength of black women they are referring to the
way in which they see black women coping with the oppression”
This idea, that women
who are silently bearing oppression, and celebrating their allocated place as
mothers and homemakers, is not foreign to a Pakistani woman. Painting liberation
as resilience in the face of the cards that you’re dealt with, instead of
fighting those structures, can be extremely dangerous because such a narrative
can have the tendency of suppressing dissent. A woman, when being told
repeatedly that she is being celebrated for carrying out the roles assigned to
her with patience and dignity, can easily internalize this appreciation,
feeling valued in her own oppression. A typical Pakistani middle-class urban
woman, for example, is told that in obeying her father, brothers and then her
chosen husband, lies her duty. If she carries out this duty with devotion, no matter
the violence she undergoes, she will be hailed as a ‘good’, ‘strong’ woman. In fact,
the word ‘patience’ is thrown around as the highest level of virtue associated
with colored women, even though it is hardly ever associated with men. My aunts
would often talk about women in the family who underwent trials and unfair
treatment not just at the hands of her husband but her entire family, and never
uttered a word in retaliation, almost in awe of her admirable ‘strength’.
This, according to
Hooks, is the perfect recipe for their identity being “socialized out of
existence”. Most decoloniality theorists that we have studied (Fanon,
Cabral) almost take the role of violence, in its varying forms, as a given in a
liberation struggle. Therefore, to hail the exact opposite as a tool of liberation
for women would inevitable keep them on a backfoot. Without putting up a fight
against oppression, in its various forms, without using any form of violence
against this imposed oppression, black women could not begin a journey of liberation,
let alone recognizing their identity and existence. When Aurat March protestors
in Pakistan are told to dial down their slogans to adapt to the sensibilities
of men, this essay by Bell Hooks makes me unable to even consider the political
pros and cons of that idea. The right to speak against the norms considered
proper for colored women can only be the first step to dismantling them.
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